Important features of Economy of middle and upper ganga valley during the period from 6th century BCE to the early 4th century BCE.

 

 

After a millennium or so there was again evidence of urbanisation in the areas around the ganga valley after the Harappan civilization. It is generally supposed to have begun around 600 B.C coinciding with the beginning of early historic period in Gangetic valley.[1] In terms of ecology and archaeology there appears to have been a distinction between the western Ganga plain and the middle ganga plain in 2^nd millennium B.C. with similarities appearing only with middle of 1^st century B.C. with the use of distinctive Northern Black Polished Ware.[2] It is seen to be a period of emergence of fortified settlement like Champak, Kombi, Ujjain, introduction of Northern Black Polished Ware, iron based agricultural economy, long distance trade, stable political structure, stratified society , emergence of bureaucracy etc. raising the point of emergence of initial stages of state formation.

Considering Pearson definition of Economy as a social process of interaction between man and his environment in the course of which goods and services change form, are moved about and change hands[3] where its institutional form are resultants of several independent levels of human existence, ecological, technological, social and cultural there is clearly economic activity described in Buddhist literature for the period between 6^th century BCE to 4^th century BCE however, we lack statistical data to prove these interconnections. Buddhist sources suggests a prosperous economy in a state of expansion.[4] Greg Bailey and Ian Rabbet argue that the Vedic literature where economic conditions are defined with much narrower base are strikingly contrasted with those of Pali text which are immediately struck by the difference in landscape in which economic conditions are projected. Most strikingly the presence of large cities flourishing because they are present at junctions of trading routes.

While coins may have been present during the period, they are punch marked or uninscribed cast variety and they themselves are dated through archaeological record rather then providing the chronology of the period. The dating’s of this period based on ceramic assemblage which was mostly highlighted for Ganga valley reasons with the works of Krishna Deva and Wheeler, the focus was on the Northern Black Polished Ware. However this dating remains illusionary and there are lot of limitations while averaging its date of appearance, Erdosy points out the early NBP phase to BC 550-400 approximately, middle phase to BC 400-250 and late phase to BC 250-100 and based on this appearance of coins to the subcontinent is dated only to end of 400 BC by him.[5] The dating of the PGW layers containing iron objects roughly coincides with that of the later Vedic texts. Although some enthusiasts would like to push back the date of both the PGW and iron levels on the basis of a single carbon-14 dating from Atranjikhera, the overall picture comprising the diffusion of the PGW with iron covers period of less than five centuries from c. 1000 B.C. to about 500 B.C.[6]

The modern Allahabad with its largest site Kausambi is seen to be the heartland of early NBP phase and was surrounded by a monumental earthen rampart. Period two shows large increase in its size with population growth indicating rapid political and economic centralisation according to Erdosy. It is argued on the basis of surface finds, settlement location and literary evidence that settlements were basically divided into 3 zones. The villages might be dominated by people practising agriculture and herding. Above them were minor centres revealing traces of the manufacture of ceramics and lithic blades, as well as iron smelting to which marketing, policing and tax collecting function may also be attributed.[7] Next were the towns providing a full complement of manufacturing activity.

A comparative study of the early and late Vedic texts suggests a gradual change from pastoralism as the predominant economy to agriculture superseding pastoralism, although the latter never totally declined in the western Ganga Plain.[8] There is great variability in the economic pattern area wise, for example region around Mathura are considered to be pastoral but it is very limited in the middle Ganga Plain. Romila Thappar takes the example of Rajasuya sacrifice to prove this argument where it appears that offering based on grains are more frequent then cattle sacrifices. Several PGW sites have 3-4-metre-thick deposits which suggest continuous habitation based on assured and continuous means of subsistence. These habitations clearly show that agriculture had become the main occupation of the people.[9]

The later Vedic texts show that people produced not only barley, which is mentioned in the Rig Veda, but also wheat, several kinds of pulses and, above all, rice. They also produced mudga which takes 6-8 weeks to ripen, and they grew kulmasa or mad which was considered to be the food of the poor in times of famine in the Kuru land.[10] Although the wooden ploughshare was the main instrument of production, the later Vedic people had a better knowledge of  seasons, used manure, and practised irrigation.[11]The evidence of iron since beginning of 1^st millennium B.C. from the upper Gangetic valley has led to the argument of use of iron for clearing the forest to do large scale cultivation. This theme came into focus when Kosambi argued that the large-scale clearing of the forest in Gangetic valley could not have been undertaken without the use of iron. But so far very few iron tools belonging to the first half of the first millennium have been discovered, which suggests that at this stage iron did not contribute to handicrafts and agriculture. The evidence of an iron ploughshare does only come from around 500 century B.C from Eta district in U.P.  However, in 1^ST half of the first millennium iron may have been used for clearance, for making wheels and the body of carts and chariots, and in the construction of houses because nails have been recovered from several PGW sites.[12]

However, the early Indian literature points to association of iron with agriculture in Gangetic valley by about 700 B.C. Buddhist text also show it. The Kasibharadvaja Sutta of the Sutta Nipata gives the analogy of a ploughshare which having become heated during the day, hisses and smokes when plunged into water. The analogy is repeated in Mahavagga.[13] Buddhist literature also points in many other ways in which agriculture was important during the 600 B.C. Many Vinaya rule are related to crops. For example, there was an institution of vassa-vasa for rain retreat of monks as people complained of crop damage by travelling bhikkhus. If not iron say if there was use of wooden ploughshare to cultivate but this also becomes problematic as for the type of the hard clayey soil we generally have in the alluvial tracts of the middle Gangetic basin such shares are not effective. In parts of Patna district, the soil locally known as the kewal is so hard that once it dries up even iron shares are sometimes found inadequate to break it. So, use of iron thus becomes very important for cultivation to have existent in the region on large scale. R.S Sharma argue that the reason for no ploughshare to has been discovered might be due to ecological reasons. The acid, humid, warm alluvial soil of eastern UP and Bihar has proved to be highly corrosive. It is good for rice production but bad for the preservation of iron artefacts.^[14]

Uma Chakrabarti points out the extension of agriculture in mid Ganga plains as primarily a rice phenomenon as the area due to perennial supply of water suited it. She and R.S Sharma argue that the method of paddy transplantation was probably learnt during this period.[15] Moreover practice of plantation was well developed during this time as we also have evidence of banana plantation to be started during the period. Also, the Jaina and Buddhist canonical text suggests detailed process of cultivation to have been practiced as process of breaking of soil before making it wet for plantation and the maintenance of proper dykes and water channels to have been there.

One way in which the economy of period can be looked upon is by examining the changing meanings of the word Gahapati used during the period. The term meaning Grihapati in Sanskrit appears in Rigveda and is used for householder and master of house but as Uma Chakravarti argues this definition is insufficient and the word has broader meanings. Gahapati is seen associated with property owner and a major tax payer in the Buddhist text. The Samannaphala Sutta of the Digha Nikaya states that gahapati is a free man, one who cultivates his land, one who pays taxes, and thus increases King’s wealth.[16] However, there are other expressions too in association to which the word appears like there is use of expression like setthi-gahapati in the texts but as pointed out by Uma Chakrabarti the word setthi, setthi-gahapati and gahapati are never used interchangeably in the text suggesting that they might have represented different conceptual categories in Buddhist society. Further, it is seen that set this and setthi-gahapatis are most frequently located in the big urban centres of Varanasi and Rajagaha suggesting they had great wealth.

The gahapati is also seen with those who paid the regular taxes. The evidence of taxes such as bali and bhaga which in Vedic societies were just offerings took a defined shape during this period and it is seen that it was desired. The bhaga generally computed at one-sixth of the produce; they are collected by king’s officers and are collected at a contracted time.[17]The evidence of taxes imply that surplus has to be conserved as it has to be paid to king and has also to be kept for personal use and this imply accumulation of wealth as a concept developing during the period remarking Gahapati to be able to do it in large number. Romila Thappar argues that probably from this class emerged the full time, profession of traders and merchants.

As far as trade is concerned, the Buddhist literature is full of references to trading caravans, guilds of merchants, market towns and roads along which trading caravans moved[18] signifying trade was important part of the economy. There are not only references to intra-regional but also inter-regional trading system. There were trade routes linking middle Ganga to its rising cities as well as to far of places like Afghanistan and Iran. Vanijja was the general term used for commercial or trading activities. In an excerpt from Majjhima Nikaya, Buddha is seen favouring the trading(vanijja) over agriculture where he claims that trading involves far less duties, administration and problems and yet a successful venture brings in great profit.[19]The use of coinage is associated with long distance trade. As the quantity of coins discovered is much in numbers it indicates flourishing trade also there was invention of punch marked coins elaborating the argument further.

Archaeological evidence for urbanisation also termed as the period of 2^nd urbanisation comes from around mid-first millennium B.C. from various sites of Ganga plain. There are about sixteen great states (16 Mahajanpada) which is shown by the Pali texts. However, in the absence of horizontal excavations it is difficult to reconstruct the process of evolution towards urbanism.[20] Romila Thappar shows that there can be numerous ways in which urbanisation can be defined. It can be defined on the basis of production of agricultural surplus when the city which is defined has very people who can produce their own food. If the city is essentially an administrative centre it requires a political context to support such administration. Cities can also grow out of ceremonial centres where a religious nucleus provides the reason for the concentration of people.[21]Also a city can also develop as a place of exchange.

Recently, an effort is made to study the size of settlement and by noticing the changes in size determine how an urban centre has even developed. Erdosy has looked upon this aspect in the context of Allahabad district Kausambi which is known from literary sources to be capital of Vatsa Janapada. He argues that this settlement grew by about 50 hectares and was surrounded by a monumental earthen rampart by 400 B.C and there was also a population growth of at 68 per cent per annum during this period which was absorbed through agglomeration as this massive increased population was adjusted beneath only 21 sites. Thus, witnessing rapid political and economic centralization.[22]

Krishna Mohan Shrimali, referencing his arguments on the basis of Pali literature argues that rise and expansion of territorial states during the three centuries beginning with c.500 BCE was a product of the growth of agriculture. He argues that since early states grew largely in the riverine plains which is the most hospitable area for agriculture, probably this was the basis of developments of states according to him. According to him areas especially near to Gangetic valley which were rich in agriculture acted as a nuclear area around which settlements flourished. He says that the urban economy was more mercantile than agrarian and the rural was more agrarian than urban. According to him even the villages of this period were important from industrial point of view as there is presence of possibly five craftsmen( carpenter, ironsmith, potter, barber, washerman) in the villages.

Romila Thapar argues that the introduction of coined metallic money marked a major change in urban life. As according to her the coined money extends the geographical reach of trade and brings distant centres into contact leading to exchange of ideas and script and in fact, according to her evolution of Brahmi and Kharosthi was due to this. She also points that urban needs led to emergence of a large number of new professions as with greater demand of products there must be concentration of artisans in the town.[23] Probably this congregation led to identification of these occupational with certain castes in Indian society.

Also, there is evidence of emergence of number of market towns along the trade routes forming linking points. Joshi has pointed to a verse in the Sutta Nipata which enumerates a number of market towns on the trade route connecting Assaka with Magadha. Joshi has argued that urbanization began with the adoption of monetary exchange and this was part of an economic phenomenon which transformed the barter-based economy of rural area and linked it with the exchange structure of those days.[24]It is argued that this urban growth led to the emergence of factors of political power as only under a consolidated power structure socio-economic factor could be effectively integrated.

Birendra Nath Prasad has pointed to the differential degrees of Urbanization an area can have as different regions evolves with the interplay of different factors in which a certain factor or a set of factors can be more central to the whole process in shaping the trajectories of urbanisation in the region. He looks upon urbanisation in the specific context of Vaishali. The study of Vaishali becomes important as it was an important political and urban centre in early historic India and its evolving nature of urbanisation can put glimpses on the broader debate concerning the early historic urbanization of the Indian subcontinent through a comparative analysis of their respective features.[25]He argues that the commonality in morphology, character and functions between the early historic urban centres in Ganga valley point that they did not existed in isolation. He has shown that developments in Vaishali began with the foundation of Vajjian capital since 6^th century BCE onwards but it did not reach a concrete form in the shape of fortification until the Sunga period.[26]Since it is assumed that Vaisali stood at the top of settlement hierarchy as far as Videha region is concerned as per the Erdosy’s measurement shows that other urban centres during the period were also in developing state and were not fully urbanised during the 6^th century to 4^th century BCE.

In spite of the fact that urbanisation and early state formation is well documented in the texts, the archaeological findings are still not sufficient to prove this argument. There is still an ongoing debate of whether the use of iron was a prime mover in the urbanisation process. Materialist historians inspired by V. Gordon Childe argue that the use of iron led to technological revolution which led to the clearance of forests and cultivation of fertile soils of Ganga basin, and the surplus production from which led the state to prosper. This view is challenged by archaeologists like Chakrabarti and Ghosh who argued that even major inventions had little impact until changes in the socio-political sphere prompted their full utilization.[27]

D.K Chakrabarti even points to difficulty in tracing the beginning of early historic urban growth to 6^th century B.C. as the NBP found in the area go back to c. 700 B.C but the antiquity of early historic writing does not go beyond to Mauryan period. But there is possibility to be writing to be present but might have been written on infallible material as without its Vedas could not have been formulated in later times. Archaeologists like A. Ghosh and Niharanjan Ray also do not agree to the point of 6^th century B.C to be of urban growth as according to Ray excavations at the sites which are mentioned in Buddhist text has not revealed, by and large any impressive structural remains during that period.[28]

D.K Chakrabarti in his article Iron and Urbanisation argues that since use of copper implements was marginal during the period and there is evidence of iron to have been used in the lay out of new settlements, clearly the period was sustained by iron technology but he puts the question of extent of use of iron in the urban transformation that occurred. He argues that this extent of change depends on the scale of change a society underwent. With the example of use of furnaces, he argues that it is the scale of operation to which a society uses a technology does matter and not just the invention of the technology. Thus, he argues that use of iron may not have been central to urbanisation to the period of 6^th century B.C but its invention must have influenced the society which must have underwent changes slowly to exploit iron in later phases.   

Though there is lack of archaeological data for the period to form some concrete notion about the economy the references associated with the existent text can not be denied. Anyways, archaeology has its own limitations too therefore even this field is not sufficient to provide concrete arguments therefore it becomes necessary to rely on literary evidences and as seen above literary evidence do point to evidence of a period which was remarkable from its earlier period in the expansion of agricultural, trading and settlement practices clearly showing flourishment of economic activity and coming of urban centres. However, keeping in mind the dearth of evidences we cannot define the exact extant to what the economic prosperity was present in the period to call it as period of 2^nd urbanisation in Indian context but there was definitely great flourishment of economic activity during the period.

REFERENCE: 1) Chakrabarti, D.K. 1984-85. ‘Iron and urbanisation: An Examination of the Indian Context’. Puratatatva.Vol.15. pp.68-74.

2) Thapar, Romila. 1995. The First Millennium BC in Northern India in Recent Perspectives of Early Indian History, pp.80-141. Bombay: Popular Prakashan.

3) Chakravarti, Uma. 1987. The Social Dimension of Early Buddhism. Cambridge University Press.

4) Prasad Birendra Nath. 2014. ‘Urbanisation at Early Historic Vaishali,c. 600 BCE-400 CE’. In D.N Jha (ed.). The Complex Heritage of Early India: Essays in Memory of R.S. Sharma pp.213-242. Delhi Manohar Publishers and Distributors.

5) Erdosy, G.1995. ‘City States in North India and Pakistan at the time of the Buddha. In F.R Allchin (ed.). The Archaeology of Early Historic South Asia. Cambridge University Press.

6) Shrimali, K.M.2014. ‘Pali Literature and Urbanism’. In D.N Jha (ed.). The Complex Heritage of Early India: Essays in Memory of R.S. Sharma pp.213-242. Delhi Manohar Publishers and Distributors.

7) Sharma Ram Sharan.1983. Material Culture and Social Formation in Ancient India. Delhi Macmillan

8) Bailey, Greg& Mabbett, Ian (eds). 2003. The Sociology of Early Buddhism. Cambridge University Press

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[1] Chakravarti, Uma. 1987. The Social Dimension of Early Buddhism. Cambridge University Press.

 

[2] Thapar, Romila. 1995. The First Millennium BC in Northern India in Recent Perspectives of Early Indian History, pp.80-141. Bombay: Popular Prakashan. Pg-90

[3]  Bailey, Greg& Mabbett, Ian (eds). 2003. The Sociology of Early Buddhism. Cambridge University Press.Pg-56

[4]  Ibid. Pg-57

[5] Erdosy, G.1995. ‘City States in North India and Pakistan at the time of the Buddha. In F.R Allchin (ed.). The Archaeology of Early Historic South Asia. Cambridge University Press.

[6] Sharma Ram Sharan.1983. Material Culture and Social Formation in Ancient India. Delhi Macmillan. pg 57-58

[7] Erdosy, G.1995. ‘City States in North India and Pakistan at the time of the Buddha. In F.R Allchin (ed.). The Archaeology of Early Historic South Asia. Cambridge University Press

[8] Thapar, Romila. 1995. The First Millennium BC in Northern India in Recent Perspectives of Early Indian History, pp.80-141. Bombay: Popular Prakashan. Pg- 97

[9] Sharma Ram Sharan.1983. Material Culture and Social Formation in Ancient India. Delhi Macmillan PG- 70

[10] Ibid. pg- 71

[11] Ibid. pg -70

[12] Ibid. pg-72

[13] Chakravarti, Uma. 1987. The Social Dimension of Early Buddhism. Cambridge University Press. Pg-18

 

 

[14]  Sharma Ram Sharan.1983. Material Culture and Social Formation in Ancient India. Delhi Macmillan pg- 94

[15] Chakravarti, Uma. 1987. The Social Dimension of Early Buddhism. Cambridge University Press. pg-19

[16] Ibid. pg-70

[17]Thapar, Romila. 1995. The First Millennium BC in Northern India in Recent Perspectives of Early Indian History, pp.80-141. Bombay: Popular Prakashan. Pg- 114

[18] Bailey, Greg& Mabbett, Ian (eds). 2003. The Sociology of Early Buddhism. Cambridge University Press. Pg-61

[19] Shrimali, K.M.2014. ‘Pali Literature and Urbanism’. In D.N Jha (ed.). The Complex Heritage of Early India: Essays in Memory of R.S. Sharma pp.213-242. Delhi Manohar Publishers and Distributors.pg- 265

[20] Thapar, Romila. 1995. The First Millennium BC in Northern India in Recent Perspectives of Early Indian History, pp.80-141. Bombay: Popular Prakashan. Pg-111

[21] Ibid. pg- 112

[22] Erdosy, G.1995. ‘City States in North India and Pakistan at the time of the Buddha. In F.R Allchin (ed.). The Archaeology of Early Historic South Asia. Cambridge University Press. pg-107

[23]Thapar, Romila. 1995. The First Millennium BC in Northern India in Recent Perspectives of Early Indian History, pp.80-141. Bombay: Popular Prakashan. Pg-116

[24] Chakravarti, Uma. 1987. The Social Dimension of Early Buddhism. Cambridge University Press. Pg-21

[25]Prasad Birendra Nath. 2014. ‘Urbanisation at Early Historic Vaishali,c. 600 BCE-400 CE’. In D.N Jha (ed.). The Complex Heritage of Early India: Essays in Memory of R.S. Sharma pp.213-242. Delhi Manohar Publishers and Distributors. Pg-215

[26]  Ibid.Pg-227

[27] Erdosy, G.1995. ‘City States in North India and Pakistan at the time of the Buddha. In F.R Allchin (ed.). The Archaeology of Early Historic South Asia. Cambridge University Press. Pg- 119

[28] Chakrabarti, D.K. 1984-85. ‘Iron and urbanisation: An Examination of the Indian Context’. Puratatatva.Vol.15. pp.68-74. pg -70